fNaylin has 13 post(s)

In her essay Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving? Anthropological Reflections on Cultural Relativism and Its Others, Lila Abu-Lughod describes the way in which women of Afghan descent are utilized within the “War on Terrorism”. Abu-Lughod uses the term “cultural mode of explanation” to describe the practices that were used in an attempt to generate insight regarding counterterrorism. The investigation of Afghan people was believed to be a more useful tactic in this respect as opposed to creating an understanding of the political and historical events that have contributed to the development of terrorism.

Westerners fail to realize that they have not played as significant of a role as they believe they have in the liberation of women hailing from Afghanistan. Certain aspects of Afghan culture are used to justify their interactions with the land as a means to create this “liberation”. For example, it is widely-known that the Taliban required women to wear the burqa, which is commonly perceived as a symbol of oppression. Confusion became somewhat widespread after women were “liberated” from the Taliban and had more freedoms to choose what materials adorned their bodies, though still chose to wear the burqa. What had not been realized is that the burqa was perceived as an “appropriate form of dress” (Abu-Lughod 785) and was a social norm within the women’ native lands. That the problem was not exactly the rule of the Taliban, but how both the preexisting and new political, historical, and social conditions impacted the way of living for native Afghan women, and Afghan people as a whole. Despite the absence of the Taliban, this does not change the fact that these women still face oppression in Afghanistan.

Abu-Lughod believes that we must not simply accept cultural explanations as a means to understand that way a large body of people live amongst one another. It is simply a matter of showing respect for cultures that differ from ours, and understanding that every cultural has a different standard for living.

In Amelia Cabezas’ “Between Love and Money”, she displays and explains the occurrence of “sex tourism” and how it has helped to form a relationship between policy and economic practices. According to Amelia Cabezas, “sex tourism” occurs when tourists that travel abroad  with the intent to vacation also aim to participate in sexual relations with prostitutes. The government supports this form of prostitution and  “tourism” because it assists in increasing the economic status of a country. Which in many ways is true since most second world and third world countries, such as Cuba and the Dominican Republic, rely heavily on tourism. Prostitutes, whether they be male or female, do it for various reasons. I observed in many cases where homosexual gigolos would do it for pleasure and would accept any gifts the person they had relations with would give them. Females would do it to support their families and themselves having no other sources of employment. Surprisingly, other men and women would have relationships with tourists to establish romantic relationships and/or maybe gain entry into another country. In one instance a Dominican woman had relationships with three tourists who gave her money and supported her at some point and they eventually left her. However, she didn’t sell her body as a prostitute would. Cabezas’ research complicates traditional views on citizenship and nationality by placing an upsetting sexual motive behind it. That sexual relations and romances might compel tourists and provide a country’s population with a opportunity to leave the country and live elsewhere. Meaning they most likely might find citizenship in a first world country and have better opportunities. Nationality is complicated by Cabezas’ research because the government, even with counter action against “sex tourism”, in a way supports it and does not try its upmost best to combat sexual relationships for money with citizens and tourists. The increase in economic status of their country comes at the expense of their peoples sexuality and safety.

In Global Care Crisis: A Problem of Capital, Care Chain, or Commons? by Lise Widding Isaksen, Sambasivan Uma Devi, and Arlie Russell Hochschild, the authors discuss concepts surrounding the South-North migration of women. One of these concepts is referred to as “the commons,” which can be described as somewhat of a barter system between members of a care chain. Individuals within a common provide for others within the community in exchange for something that serves as a benefit to their families.

Financial, educational, and health incentives contributed to the migration of women from their impoverished origins to more economically-stable countries. After arriving to the destination, many women were presented with opportunities to start their own businesses, obtain improved housing, and were offered competitive salaries that assisted them in funding their children’s education. Though the decision to abandon their homelands seemed well worth it in some instances, it also came with many sacrifices. Mothers were often forced to leave their own children to tend to those from another family, causing them to be stereotyped as “bad mothers” or “materialistic”.

The concept of “the commons” is necessary to comprehend the social challenges that these women face as they seek opportunities that their homelands cannot provide, as well as the challenges that their children must overcome back home. The mothers are deprived of their families and a complete maternal experience, due to the prolonged separation from her children. They work only to send money as remittances to their children. The children on the other hand are often forced to care for one another in place of their mother, or are raised by an elderly member of the family. They do not get to build intimate relationships with their mothers. This system only works to serve capitalism and its call for laborers and negatively impacts both migrants and their children.

As a youth, there were many instances where I felt as though I was an outsider. The majority of students enrolled in both my elementary school and middle school originated from financially and socially fortunate families. Most of my friends and the student body were able to afford the quality clothing, school supplies, and other commodities. Their families were so fortunate that they were able to afford luxury cars, expensive family excursions, and vacation homes in addition to their permanent residence. I, however, received clothing that was either thrifted or passed down to me from older family members, meaning they were often too large for my much smaller form, or were damaged in a very noticeable shape or form. I could not afford even a handful of the things that my fellow youths had access to. Furthermore, I have lived within the projects all my life, surrounded by people who spend their entire lives being unproductive and simply selling illegal substances that they use to make themselves appear as powerful and important figures that they are in fact not. All of my friends from the past lived in buildings equipped with fancy looking furniture and doormen their entire lives. These were all things that I was not accustomed to. The differences that existed between my friends, fellow students, and I made me feel as though I didn’t belong in the same environment as them.

In Patricia Hill-Collins’ essay Learning from the Outsider Within: The Sociological Significance of Black Feminist Thought, Collins states that one trait of the social construct identified a oppression is that it is based on the organization of both animate and inanimate beings according to the ways in which they differ from one another. Collins claims that certain members of society can be led to believe that they are justified in deeming others as outcasts if they are the “insiders” that possess similar experiences, histories, and knowledge.

Within her essay “Eating the Other: Desire and Resistance,” author Bell Hooks carefully evaluates the interconnection established between Whites and non-white individuals referred to as the “Other”. Hook uses various films and texts to support her observation of the change in the way in which “Otherness” is defined throughout time and different parts of the world. Throughout the essay, Hooks describes the undisclosed desire of White individuals to indulge in this “Otherness” as a means to broaden their culture. This is where the concept of “eating the other”–adopting aspects of Black, Hispanic, Native-American, and Asian cultures–stems from. It is the idea that other races have something new or some sort of spice to offer that is not available to White individuals. This relationship is particularly productive in comparison to previous relations shared between Whites and non-whites, which were typically built on the impression that Whites were superior to other races. Historically, relationships of any kind between members of different races were heavily discouraged and frowned upon. Though it cannot be said that White supremacy no longer exists, it is much less rampant, and Whites no longer desire the domination of other races. Instead, Hook illustrates the desire of White people to be connected with these “Others” by describing them as “consumers”.

This is demonstrated as Hooks discusses sexual interactions between different races. These instances are used to disassociate Otherness with race, ethnicity, and skin color. Otherness then becomes commodified and is more associated with the act of sex. Sexual encounters serve as a way to experience pleasure and stray away from normal bland and boring ways without abandoning what is known as mainstream White culture. In this case, the relationship to Otherness can be considered productive and successful because it provides newer and more satisfying methods to overcome certain racial boundaries.

In her book Dude, You’re a Fag: Masculinity and Sexuality in High School, C.J. Pascoe illustrates the influences of River High’s students, staff, and administration in regard to ideas centering around gender and sexuality. It is clear that most of the educators of River High are intimidated by and unwilling to participate in meaningful discussions involving sex and sexuality. They are far more concerned with censoring and minimizing these discussions, rather than taking the necessary efforts to ensure that students are informed and are engaging in safe, protected sex. This is evident through the interactions of several teachers and students within their classrooms.

In chapter one of Jennifer Morgan’s Laboring Women: Reproduction and Gender in New World Slavery, Morgan describes the development of white supremacy and the connection that is made by Europeans between the female anatomy and racism. A reoccurring image is portrayed throughout the chapter; colored women were depicted as abnormal beings, possessing grotesque qualities such as plummeting breasts and unusual strength. As demonstrated by Pieter de Marees who wrote about his own personal encounters in Guinea, a black woman’s femininity was consistently targeted and used to belittle her. It was through these physical perceptions that female blackness became equated with monstrosity. A constant comparison was made between women of different races, and the more a black woman’s appearance strayed from that of a white woman, the more revolting she was found to be. Despite how off-putting the Europeans found certain elements of black culture, it did not prevent them from recognizing the physical prowess that they embodied. Europeans observed the impressive endurance of black female workers and black mothers as they delivered their children. Black women were quick to return to normal function after labor, and were often accompanied by their young as they worked. White women were quite the opposite,  and experienced great pain during and after pregnancy. Although they heavily criticized the way in which black mothers tended to their children, it was part of what lead them to believe that they were well suited for hard labor.

This combination of slumping breasts, experience in manual labor, and quick ability to recuperate almost immediately following labor closed the distinction between black females and domesticated animals in the minds of Europeans. Black women were not regarded as creations of God, which in the minds of Europeans justified their harsh treatment and reputation and made them subject to European domination. The black image became twisted by these same men, who insisted that a black woman’s worth was dependent on the amount of physical labor she could produce and her reproductive function. More European travelers would hear of these beliefs towards indigenous cultures and arrive with plans to exploit the people who were wrongfully oppressed because their unique customs and appearances.

Discussion question: Europeans did not consider black women descendants of Eve and therefore were not related to them because they did not experience the same labor pain as white women. Do you think, had black women exhibited signs of labor pain, that to Europeans would view them more equally, or would they find another element to target to separate their races?